Publication date: Spring 2018
107% funded
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The existential odyssey of a heartsick politician to save a war-torn, post-austerity Europe from algorithmic autocracy

Bastian Balthazar Bux is a space-lover, a smartphone addict and a leading member of The Federation®, the European network of civil society and local governments. In the aftermath of a continental civil-war, nation-states have collapsed, the European Union just prevents anarchy, and it’s mandatory to include branded trademarks in common language.

Bastian has just been unexpectedly dumped through an app, the BreakupShopservice. Heavy hearted, he just wants to drink, celebrate work success and forget his romantic woes. However, he discovers that Nathan Ziggy Zukowsky, the alleged illegitimate son of Roman Polanski, is planning to sell plebiscitum®, a tinder-like app that is meant to replace elections, at the same conference he is invited to attend in Chile. Haunted by his breakup’s ghosts, he finds himself without his all-important Morph® phone, just a few hours before embarking on his trip to try to save democracy.

How will he manage to travel without his obsessively endeared smartphone to that conference on the other side of the world? Will he stop Polanski’s son from selling his tinderpolitics app? Will he find a way to deal with breakups?

DISCO SOUR is an epic journey with a unique soundtrack, a fight for democracy, and a collection of fragments from a modern lover’s discourse.

As a political geographer, Giuseppe has always been interested in how the intersection between technology and politics is moving towards uncharted territories in the future. He has recently published a series of scientific articles about how the internet of things and algorithms will change policymaking. DISCO SOUR is his first experiment with fiction. it has been inspired by a mission to Chile he had in 2013. Back then, he was Secretary General of the European Youth Forum, the platform of youth organisations advocating for youth rights. And on his way to Santiago, he missed three connecting flights across two continents within the span of 72 hours.

Giuseppe works now as the head of communications for Bruegel, an international think tank specialised in economic policy. During the rest of the time, he DJs, reads, dreams, writes.

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I was shaken. I looked towards the top floor. They had installed a special platform with a silver frame outside the window where he had fallen. From there a metallic rope ran down to the ground, where it attached to a hook on a statue of a lion crowned by an eight-pointed star. The statue stood just in front of the marble wall, a tribute to Holy Mary-Inanna, our supreme goddess of love, beauty, sex, desire, fertility, war, combat, and political power.

On the side of the wall, there was a small, decrepit shrine with a photo of Papastratis and a few burned candles. Alexi Papastratis was the owner of Matrix, the company financed by the mighty Mogilevich. Papastratis had this idea of transforming Kalochori into a theme park-style district for long time. He tried with the Saudis, the Egyptians, and even Chinese investors, before turning to Mogilevich and his collateralized debt obligations. In Thessaloniki, he was considered first as a savior, then as a devil. When an anonymous youth group kidnapped and killed him, the zone went up in flames, catching local and national institutions by surprise. The protest became a symbol of revolt against the housing bubble burst, as well as the corruption and mediocrity of national elites to handle the situation.

I drew closer to inspect the last section of the memorial. It was a time capsule placed in a transparent cube filled with a gel suspension. I glanced at its contents. There were several objects, small flags of former nation-states, coins, and a pile of documents, including a copy of the infamous Constructions & Free Zones Act.

Ratified by most of the Unions members and proposed by Greece, under pressure from the Mafia and several other companies, the Act whitelisted the hiring of private troops to defend building sites and special economic zones, while prohibiting the use of air power and drones.

Gone were the days when national armies split into several competing organizations, such as Fernando Alejandro Martínez Security Services Inc., the G.O.I.™, or the Premier Régiment de Chasseurs Parachutistes®. The Act seemed the best tactic to prevent the spread of violence, but instead it escalated Kalochori’s insurrection into a continental civil war. Fences and closed-circuit cameras were installed to defend construction sites and free economic zones everywhere. Troops were hired by companies, landowners, free zones’ managers, and subcontractors to be in charge of scaffolding or the security of the site. People saw these as provocations, and they responded by smashing anything vaguely resembling a building area, including works in progress on the streets. Retaliation followed, and in few weeks, the death toll skyrocketed.

The time capsule read: Please do not open until the year 3009. We cannot guess what the next millennium holds for the world. But we are confident that you will have a greater understanding of human politics, and that we will have made some contribution to that understanding. We wish you continued success in the pursuit of peace.


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